한부모가족 형성원인별 빈곤결정요인

Abstract

The objective of this study is to examine the factors that determine poverty among single-parent families, and to verify whether such factors differ according to the formative causes of single parenthood. This study aims to identify needs of single-parent families that differ from those of dual-parent families and to distinguish and classify the needs of single-parent families according to the causes that led to the formation of single-parent families, for the purpose of providing the material basis for building policies that are sensitively responsive to such needs. This study seeks to incorporate the differentiated needs of single-parent families into general policies for addressing poverty as well as to identify methods for implementing more effective single-parent family support policies reflecting various needs specific to single-parent families according to the respective formative causes of single parenthood. This study analyzed whether individual factors and family factors which have proven to have significant effects in studies on poverty likewise have effects on the poverty of single-parent families. As regards family factors, this study added variables that are particularly sensitive in the case of single-parent families. Furthermore, this study analyzed whether institutional factors designed to assist single-parent families have actual effects on the poverty of single-parent families. The absolute poverty line was used as the criterion for determining whether single-parent families was to be considered to be in poverty status, and the formative cause of the single parenthood was identified as death of a spouse, divorce, or unmarried status. Research was conducted on single-parent families including information on individual and family status, the current usage of available institution, and the source of income. They key results of the research were as follows. First, the study found that there were hardly any differences among single-parent families in terms of their poverty status. Meanwhile, two individual factors, namely the type of occupation and past employment experience, did appear to yield statistically significant differences. When examined based on manufacturing jobs, there was a notable difference between individuals in office jobs and those that were unemployed. Among the family factors, the duration of single parenthood and the level of earned income were identified to have significant impacts on poverty status. These results indicate that the current status in the labor market determines earned income, which in turn influences the poverty status of single-parent families. Among institutional factors, housing support was correlated to statistically significant differences according to the poverty status of single-parent families. Secondly, the study found that single-parent families exhibited quite significant differences according to the cause of formation. The formative cause of single parenthood was correlated to significant differences in terms of the single parent’s age, educational level and type of occupation: single parents who had experienced a bereavement or divorce were usually in their forties with an educational level of high school graduate or below and were employed in the service industry. It should be noted, however, that a significantly high percentage of divorced single parents was employed in office jobs and there was a high percentage of employment in manufacturing jobs among single-parent families formed by bereavement. By contrast, unmarried single parents were usually in their thirties or younger, with a large number with an education of high school graduation or below, and although the percentage with an education of college graduate or above and the percentage employed in the service industry were both high, there was also a relatively higher number of unemployed. Among the family factors, the number of children, the presence of a pre-school child, and the duration of single parenthood were found to exhibit statistically significant differences that correlated to the cause of formation. The majority of single-parent families formed by bereavement or divorce had two children and in many cases there were no pre-school children, and such families had been in the status of a single-parent family for an average of approximately six years. By contrast, unmarried single-parents usually had one child, with the child in pre-school age in the majority of cases, and had been in single parenthood for three years or more. Among institutional factors, governmental support, social insurance benefits, the receipt of child support, housing support, childcare support, employment stability services and educational & training programs were found to demonstrate statistically significant correlations to the cause of single-parenthood formation. More specifically, single-parent families formed by bereavement had a relatively higher percentage of social insurance benefits, while single-parent families formed by divorce or unmarried status often received only child support. Also, unmarried or divorced single-parent families were found to have a higher likelihood of receiving housing support and childcare support. In the case of divorced or unmarried single-parent families who often experience a sudden dissolution of the family or the birth of a child in contrast to the case of single parenthood caused by bereavement, it can be anticipated that the demand for housing facilities will be all the more urgent. A high percentage of single-parent families formed by bereavement or divorce failed to use employment support services or education and job training programs, while unmarried single-parents exhibited a high percentage of utilization of employment matching services in the public sector and high rate of participation in job training programs for acquiring professional qualifications. Thirdly, the analysis of the factors that influence the poverty of single-parent families encompassing all individual, family and institutional factors indicated that the number of children, earned income, governmental support and social insurance, original family’s support and child support, and housing support have statistically significant influences. The number of children had a positive effect on poverty, while earned income, public and private transfer income, and housing support had a negative effect on poverty. Notably, the odds ratio of a decrease in poverty per 10,000 won of increase in social insurance benefits and child support was higher than in the case of governmental support. These research results are meaningful since they empirically identify the importance of the effects of institutional systems, thus progressing beyond conventional studies that previously attributed responsibility for the causes of poverty to individuals and families. Fourthly, this study found that the factors that determine poverty differed according to the cause that led to the formation of the single-parent family. The variables that have statistically significant effects on the poverty of unmarried single-parent families were identified to be the number of children, earned income, and governmental support. In the case of single-parent families formed by the death of one of the parents, social insurance benefits were found to be an additional factor with statistically significant impact. By contrast, divorced single-parent families were not influenced to any statistically significant degree by social insurance benefits, while original family’s support, child support, and housing support were found to be additional statistically significant influences. These results indicate that there are differences in the needs of single-parent families according to the formative cause of single parenthood and furthermore that there is a need to design policies that will be responsive to such differences. The research results summarized above point to the following policy implications. First, there is a need for general employment and welfare policies to incorporate policies that are sensitive to the needs of single-parent families. Many advanced countries offer a policy option to take consideration of the special needs of single-parent families when determining poverty status according to the criterion of the income line. For example, the government may lower the income criterion line in the case of single-parent families below the case of the general poverty target and governments often supply additional childcare support in addition to regular benefits for single parents who balance work and family life. Moreover, labor market programs also operate specialized policies designed for single-parent families, for the purpose of providing customized support policies that prevent single parents from entering poverty or remaining in poverty and achieve economic autonomy. Secondly, housing support policies for single-parent families must be implemented systematically. Housing support for single-parent families is an extremely effective institutional means of addressing poverty. To enhances its outcome, the current conditions imposing short-term housing periods ranging from a minimum of six months to maximum of three years and the uniform restriction on extending residency should be adjusted so that housing support can be implemented flexibly with consideration for the needs of single-parent families such as the existence of pre-school children and participation in the labor market. Note, however, that the policy should be implemented in a differentiated manner to prevent the abuse of housing support and to encourage the self-supporting autonomy of single-parent families and facilitate their rehabilitation. Thirdly, since support policies for single-parent families are currently being offered by individual departments, there is a need to establish a control tower capable of effectively managing the financial expenditures of the government. Due to the limit on integrated benefits imposed in the case of the Basic Livelihood Security System, the content of support differs between designated recipients and non-recipients. The Single-Parent Family Support, which is designed to supplement the previous system by supporting those in the second lowest income bracket, has significant discrepancies in content compared to the benefits of the Basic Livelihood Security System. Moreover, local governments operate their own programs to provide additional support to single-parent families in the form of emergency support funds, etc. Paradoxically, this system of benefits differentiated by target has had the effect of inducing single-parent families to remain dependent on public assistance. This is because falling into the category of a public assistance recipient is the most strategically means for the household to receive the greatest amount of benefits. In order to stop the dependency of impoverished single-parent families and to promote their self-supportive rehabilitation, the government must reinforce private transfers and implement integrated management that encompasses the support programs of other departments as well as the private sector. Through such improvements, we can anticipate a more effective allocation and adjustment of benefits that are currently overly concentrated on recipient households. Fourthly, in response to the strengthened implementation of the child support since 2007 and the mandatory requirement of a child support order at the time of divorce since 2009, there is a need to build an infrastructure capable of systematically managing and implementing child support. Currently, the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family provides supports for lawsuits regarding the performance of child support through the assistance of the Korea Legal Aid Corporation, the Korea Legal Aid Center for Family Relations, and the Korea Bar Association. Considering that child support is an important factor in reducing poverty, it is critical to ensure not only that legal decisions are made in favor of child support but also that child support is actually performed. Although assistance efforts have hitherto focused on supporting lawsuits, there is a need to prepare an institutional procedure that will enable single-parent families facing the risk of poverty due to the non-performance of child support to receive advance or substitute payments for child support, which can be later recovered from the individual financially responsible for child support. In addition, the information networks for calculating child support and performing collections need to be interlinked. Although this study offers the above insights for policy makers, it should also be acknowledged that our ability to form generalized conclusions about all single-parent families is clearly limited by the bias in the sampling and the sample size used in this study. Moreover, the performance outcomes of labor market programs were linked to poverty in a simplistic manner, failing to empirically analyze the effects of the parameter. Henceforth, further continued research on the poverty among single-parent families should incorporate improved sample pools with more consideration given to factors such as gender, age, and cause of single parenthood, and verify results based on variables that are selected to sensitively evaluate the needs of single-parent families.;본 연구는 한부모가족의 빈곤결정요인을 살펴보고, 이러한 요인이 형성원인에 따라 차이가 있는지 검증하기 위한 것이다. 이는 생계부양자 모델에 근거하여 한부모가족의 빈곤위험을 살펴보고, 한부모가족 내에서도 형성원인에 따른 빈곤결정요인에 차이가 있는지 검증하기 위한 것이다. 또한 일반적으로 한부모가족의 빈곤에 영향을 미치는 요인들과 한부모가족의 형성원인별로 빈곤에 영향을 미치는 요인을 살펴봄으로써 정책욕구에 민감하게 설계된 정책 수단을 강구하기 위한 것이다. 이를 통해 일반적인 빈곤정책에 한부모가족의 차별화된 욕구를 반영하고, 한부모가족의 형성원인에 따른 특수한 욕구를 반영하여 한부모가족 지원제도를 효율적으로 설계할 수 있을 것으로 기대된다. 본 연구는 빈곤에 관한 연구에서 영향을 미치는 것으로 증명된 개인요인과 가족요인이 한부모가족의 빈곤에도 영향을 미치는 지 분석하였다. 이 때 가족요인은 한부모가족에 민감한 변수들을 추가하였다. 이와 함께 한부모가족에 대한 지원제도가 한부모가족의 빈곤에 영향을 미치는지 분석하였다. 한부모가족의 빈곤지위는 절대빈곤선을 기준으로 하였으며, 한부모가족의 형성원인은 사별과 이혼, 미혼으로 구분하였다. 연구를 위해 한부모가족에 대한 개인 및 가족 현황, 제도 이용 여부, 소득원천 등을 조사하였다. 자료의 분석은 로지스틱회귀분석을 이용하였다. 주요한 연구결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 한부모가족의 빈곤지위에 따라 직종과 과거직업경험, 한부모 지속기간, 근로소득, 주거지원이 통계적으로 유의미한 차이가 있는 것으로 나타났다. 한부모가족의 노동시장지위는 근로소득을 통해서 한부모가족의 빈곤지위에 영향을 미치고 있음을 짐작할 수 있다. 둘째, 한부모가족은 형성원인과 연령, 교육수준, 직종, 자녀수, 미취학자녀여부, 한부모지속기간, 정부지원과 사회보험급여, 자녀양육비 수급여부, 주거지원, 보육지원, 고용안정서비스와 교육 및 훈련 프로그램이 통계적으로 유의미한 차이가 있는 것으로 나타났다. 셋째, 한부모가족의 빈곤결정요인으로는 자녀수와 근로소득, 정부지원과 사회보험, 원가족지원과 자녀양육비, 주거지원이 통계적으로 유의미한 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 자녀수는 빈곤에 정적 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타난 반면, 근로소득과 공사이전소득, 주거지원은 빈곤에 부적 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 특히 사회보험급여와 자녀양육비가 1만원 증가할 때 빈곤이 감소하는 승산비가 정부지원보다 높게 나타났다. 이러한 연구결과는 전통적인 빈곤 연구들이 빈곤의 원인을 개인과 가족의 책임에서 찾고 있는 것에 한걸음 더 나아가 제도 역시 중요한 영향을 미치고 있다는 것을 실증적으로 밝혀냈다는 데 의의가 있다. 넷째, 한부모가족의 형성원인에 따라 빈곤결정요인에는 차이가 있는 것으로 나타났다. 미혼 한부모가족의 빈곤에 통계적으로 유의미한 영향을 미치는 변수는 자녀수와 근로소득, 정부지원인 것으로 나타났다. 사별 한부모가족은 이 외에 사회보험급여가 통계적으로 유의미한 영향을 미치는 것으로 검증되었다. 이에 비해 이혼 한부모가족은 사회보험급여가 통계적으로 유의미한 영향을 미치지 않는 반면 원가족지원과 자녀양육비, 주거지원이 통계적으로 유의미한 영향을 미치는 것으로 추가 발견되었다. 이러한 결과는 한부모가족의 형성원인에 따른 욕구의 차이가 존재하고 있음을 시사하고, 이에 대응한 정책의 설계가 필요하다는 것을 보여준다. 이상의 연구 결과에 근거한 정책적 함의는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 일반적인 고용 및 복지정책에서 한부모가족에 대한 민감한 정책욕구가 반영될 필요가 있다. 예를 들면 일반적인 빈곤대상보다 한부모가족의 소득기준선을 하향조정하거나, 일과 가정생활을 양립하는 한부모가족에 대해서는 급여 외 추가적인 보육료지원이 제공될 수 있다. 또한 노동시장프로그램에 있어서도 한부모가족에 특화된 정책을 별도로 운영함으로써 한부모가 빈곤에 진입하거나 빈곤을 유지하는 것을 차단하고 자립할 수 있도록 정책을 맞춤형으로 제공할 수 있다. 둘째, 한부모가족에 대한 주거지원정책이 체계적으로 운영될 필요가 있다. 한부모가족의 주거지원은 빈곤에 영향을 주는 매우 효과적인 제도요인이다. 그러나 현행 최소 6개월에서 최대 3년의 단기적인 거주기간과 일률적인 연장제한을 조정하여 미취학자녀와 노동시장 참여 등 한부모가족의 욕구를 고려하여 탄력적으로 운영될 필요가 있다. 셋째, 한부모가족에 대한 지원정책이 부처별로 제공되고 있어 정부의 재정지출을 효과적으로 관리할 컨트롤타워가 필요하다. 현재 한부모가족에 대한 지원제도는 보건복지부와 여성가족부, 국가보훈처, 사회보험기관, 지방정부 등에서 분절적으로 운영되고 있다. 한부모가족의 빈곤의존을 차단하고 자립과 자활을 도모하기 위해서 사적이전을 강화하고, 타부처 및 민간부문 지원까지 통합적으로 관리할 필요가 있다. 이를 통해 수급가구에게 몰려있는 급여를 효과적으로 배분하고 조정할 수 있을 것으로 기대된다. 넷째, 2007년 자녀양육비 이행이 강화되고 2009년 이혼시 자녀양육부담조서가 의무화됨에 따라 자녀양육비를 체계적으로 관리․운영하는 인프라 구축이 필요하다. 지금까지는 소송에 대한 지원을 중심으로 이루어졌으나 양육비를 실제로 받지 못해 빈곤의 위험에 처한 한부모가족에게는 양육비를 선지급, 혹은 대지급하고 차후에 부양책임자에게 양육비를 징수하는 절차를 마련할 필요가 있다. 또한 자녀양육비의 산정과 징수이행에 필요한 정보망의 연계가 필요하다. 이와 같은 연구의 함의에도 불구하고 본 연구는 표집 및 표본집단의 편중으로 인해 한부모가족에 일반화하는 데는 한계를 갖고 있다. 또한 노동시장프로그램의 성과를 빈곤과 단순하에 연계시킴에 따라 매개변수의 효과를 실증적으로 분석하지 못하였다. 향후 이루어질 한부모가족의 빈곤에 대한 연구는 성과 연령, 형성원인 등을 고려하여 표본집단을 설계하고, 한부모가족의 욕구를 민감하게 측정할 수 있는 변수의 선정을 토대로 검증이 이루어져야 할 것이다.