화교의 정착과 이동 : 한국의 경우

Abstract

Although there have been numerous studies of overseas Chinese in different parts of the world, Chinese in Korea has been relatively neglected as a subject of anthropological research. This research aims to add one more piece of analysis on Overseas Chinese as it relates to the area of the ethnic identity. Barth defined the ethnic boundary as a social concept rather than a political one. According to Barth, two people belong to different ethnic groups if they discriminate one another through an ethnic identity. Skinner emphasizes the effect of the environment in determining the assimilation of overseas Chinese in different countries. Going along the theories of Barth and Skinner, three hypotheses are proposed to guide the research: One, the Korean government policy has strengthened the ethnic identity of Korean Chinese. Two, Chinese in Korea has maintained their ethnic identity through education and social organization, but not through cultural heritages. Three, a rapid social and economic change in Korea together with the continued discriminatory policy of Korean government forced Korean Chinese to reemigrate overseas as a means of maintain their ethnic identity. Research methods adopted are mainly threefold: historical documents were searched to trace the history of Chinese in Korea, statistics were gathered both from Korean and Taiwanese government offices to find out population changes, and Chinese in both Korea and Taiwan were interviewed and observed. The population of Korean Chinese in 1979 was 30,117, among which 94% percent were from the shantung peninsula. Compared to the Southeast Asian Chinese, the society of Korean Chinese are homogeneous ethnic group who uses the same language, came from the same area, and follows the ideology of anti-communism as directed by the Taiwanese government. The 78% of Korean Chinese are engaged in restaurant business, and the others are engaged in general merchandise retailing, Chinese herb medicine, Chinese herb shop, tearoom, public bath business, and tailor’s shop. In general, job and business opportunities open to Chinese are very limited in Korea. The major organization of Chinese society is ‘the Chinese Central Association’ to which fifty one local associations belong. Chinese associations play a middleman role between Chinese people and Chinese embassy in Seoul by reporting people’s opinions to the embassy and sending messages from the embassy to the people. Other voluntary organizations are restaurant business associations, local and surname associations, religious and educational associations, and so on which add up to twenty. Most of the voluntary organization are usually linked to one another through interlocking relations. Thus, leaders in a Chinese community play multiple roles in different associations. Most Chinese children attend Chinese schools which are consisted of one year of kindergarten, six years of primary school, and six years of high school. As of 1980, there is one kindergarten, thirty-nine primary schools, and five high schools. The year of 1882 saw the beginning of Chinese immigration to Korea which was started as a result of a trade agreement between Korea and China, although there were only 209 Chinese in 1883, the Chinese population in Korea reached the level of 82,600 people in 1942. After 1954, however, the division of the country forced the two-thirds of Chinese to live in the northern part of the peninsula. The drop of Chinese immigration after the communization of mainland China in 1949 also contributed to the decrease of the Chinese population in South Korea along with Korean government’s ban on any immigration into the country. Since then the Chinese population increased only by natural growth, and it reached 32,980 in 1972. In the 1970’s, the Chinese population slowly decreased to reach the level of only 29,600 in 1980. The decrease of Chinese population in the 1970’s has been the result of migration of Chinese people to foreign lands. In order to trace the trend of their actual mobility, the statistics of Chinese entry-exit have been reviewed. In 1967, the number of entry was 2,600 and the number of exit was 2,800. Since 1970 it shows sharp increase and, in 1977, the number of Chinese entered the country was 18,300 and the number leaving the country was 20,000. In other words, the Korean Chinese changed their way of life by travelling back and forth frequently, and some of then live in Taiwan, visiting Korea once a year only to renew residenceship. These people can be categorized as ‘mobile population’. The number of reentry for residence in 1979 were 6,638 which is the 22% of Korean Chinese. If we assume that average Chinese goes overseas and comes back twice a year, it can be estimated that the 11% of Korean Chinese belong to the category of ‘mobile population’. In addition, the number of visas issued by the Chinese consulate in Seoul, the number of entries and exits of overseas Chinese Taiwan, and the number of graduates from Taiwan colleges and junior colleges were also analyzed to prove the high mobility of Korean Chinese in 1970’s. Most of the Korean Chinese who moved out of Korea went to Taiwan and the United States of America. In this paper, only the migration to Taiwan has been analyzed. Interviews were conducted during the period of January and February of 1980 with fifth one Korean Chinese who reside in Taiwan. Life in Taiwan of these emigrants was proved not to be that of comfortable and leisurely nature. Instead, Korean Chinese have found themselves in a category of ‘minority in fatherland’ that is the Korean Chinese formed its own small society by getting together themselves, having certain common stores they shop, and having little chance to make new Taiwan friends. The reasons are that either they are too busy keeping stores or small restaurants, or they spend most of time seeing each other. Moreover, they begin to engage in a kind of ‘shuttle trade’, which is conducted by travelling between Korea and Taiwan. Travelling between two countries, Chinese carry items like herb drugs, jewels made of ivory, coral, and jade, tapestries, toys and so on from Taiwan to Korea, and blankets, bed spreads, cloths, dresses, ginseng products, and others from Korea to Taiwan. This shuttle trade has become possible by the well systematized process including institutions like drug stores, jewelry stores, and gift shops in Taiwan, and many middlemen who purchase the carried items. The store managers in Taiwan take all the carried items from Korea, as well as supplying items to be carried to Korea. Most Chinese migrate to Taiwan as individuals rather than as a whole family. Many Chinese families in Korea and up having their members spread out in different countries, becoming a ‘multinational family’. Among the fifty one cases studied, twenty-seven went to Taiwan for studying. Among twenty-seven cases, only seven were attending colleges at the time of study, the rest have been settled in Taiwan after gradation or dropping out of schools. The trend is likely to continue that Korean Chinese students entering Taiwanese colleges end up settling in Taiwan more or less permanently. Chinese students in Korea are encouraged by teachers and parents to apply to colleges in Taiwan, rather than applying to Korea colleges. One of the major reasons is the way they were educated in primary and high schools. For twelve years, they study in Chinese language, use Chinese textbook under a Chinese curriculum, and are taught by Taiwan-college educated teachers. The Korean government’s liberal educational policy for foreigners helped to created the situation. Therefore Chinese students are well exposed to Chinese culture and society before they go to Taiwan. The strong ethnic identity achieved by pure Chinese education surely induced many Chinese students apply for Taiwan colleges and settle in Taiwan. Moreover, other policies of the Korean government in the areas such as naturalization and financial aid, are very restrictive toward Chinese. Curiously enough, a seemingly contradictory policy of permissive education and restrictive naturalization and commerce induced Chinese people against assimilation and conditioned to maintain a strong ethnic identity of Chinese people. As a result Chinese began to search for an alternative to get their ethnic identity not a weakness but a pride. Since being a Chinese is a weakness in Korea, Chinese people moved out, leaving their Korean hometowns. Results of the study can be summarized as the following along the proposed hypotheses. First, Korea government’s economic policy of discrimination has impoverished Chinese in Korea over the last three decades. At the same time, the naturalization policy prevented Chinese from becoming a Korean citizen, thus isolating them from the Korean society. Education of Chinese children has been completely left to Chinese society, thus further strengthening the ethnic identity of Chinese. Secondly, Korean Chinese lost much of Chinese cultural heritages. Nevertheless, they maintained their ethnic identity mainly through equation and social organizations. Thirdly, a rapid social and economic change in the take-off stage of the Korea economy in the late 1960s, together with the continued discriminatory policy, forced Chinese in Korea to move overseas. This emigration can be interpreted as a move of maintaining their ethnic identity in the process of their immersing economic conditions in the midst of improvement of material wellbeing of Koreans themselves. Being one of the first exploratory researches on Korean Chinese, this study has taken a general approach. The future research should deal with more specific subjects such as interethnic relations between Korean and Chinese, intermarriages between them, assimilation patterns, the different value systems between the first, second, and third generation Chinese and other pertinent anthropological issues. And since many Chinese moved to the United States, a follow-up study of Korean Chinese in the U.S. will be an interesting cross-cultural study. ; 世界 到處에 定着해 있는 華僑에 關한 활발한 硏究에 비하여 韓國 華僑의 硏究는 거의 荒蕪地의 경지에 놓여 있다. 韓國 華僑에 관한 硏究의 試圖는 世界的 華僑 硏究의 隊列에 낌으로써 比較 文化 硏究의 一翼을 담당하는 것 외에도 種族性(ethnicity)硏究로도 중요한 意義를 갖는다. 韓國 華僑들는 韓國內에 가장 큰 少數 異民族 集團을 형성하고 있으며 韓國人과는 歷史的 紐帶가 깊다. 특히 貿易業, 飮食業을 통하여 韓國 社會에 깊숙히 침투하여 韓國人 生活面에 적지 않은 影響을 미치고 있어 韓國 最近世 社會史 硏究에 그들이 차지하고 있는 比重은 큰 것이라 하겠다. 이러한 華僑가 1970年代에 들어서면서 他國으로 移動해 가는 現象이 두드러져 韓國 華僑에 대한 硏究의 필요성이 시급히 要請되고 있다. 韓國 華僑와 같이 韓國 社會에서 2, 3世代를 살아온 種族 集團을 分析하는데 Barth의 種族 範圍의 槪念이 有用하다. 왜냐하면 韓國 華僑는 中國 特有의 文化的 項目인 中國옷, 飮食, 風習等을 점점 잃어 가고 있을 뿐 아니라, 韓國 社會 속에 文化的으로는 同質化되어 가고 있으면서도 「中國人」이라는 種族 範圍는 잘 지속되어 있기 때문이다. Barth는 種族 範圍를 地域的 範圍가 아닌 社會的 範圍로 보면서 이를 定義하기를 두 個人이 相互 作用할 때에 自他를 區別하는 基本 條件으로 種族이라는 基準을 사용하고 있으며 그 두 사람은 다른 種族範圍에 속한다고 주장하였다. Barth의 種族 範圍에 대한 理論外에 이 論文에서는 駐韓國의 상이한 環境에 따라 華僑의 同化 程度가 달라지고 있다는 Skinner의 理論에 同調하여 다음과 같은 假說을 設定하였다. 假說1: 韓國 政府의 華僑 政策이 華僑의 種族 正體性을 더욱 强化하였다. 假說2: 韓國 華僑는 文化的 傳說이 약화되어도 그들의 社會 團體 組織과 敎育을 통해 種族 正體性을 고수한다. 假說3: 韓國의 社會·經濟的 變化와 韓國 政府의 繼續的 差別 政策은 華僑의 海外 移動을 초래하였다. 위의 假說을 檢討하기 위하여 韓國 華僑 社會의 歷史, 人口 變化, 華僑의 種族 範圍, 韓國 政府의 華僑 政策 및 臺灣의 韓國 華僑을 분석하였다. 硏究方法은 文獻調査와 兩國 官廳을 통한 資料 및 統計 調査, 參與 觀察을 통한 韓國과 臺灣의 華僑 社會를 現地 調査한 세 方法을 주로 사용하였다. 韓國 華僑들은 그들이 韓國으로 移動하기 시작한 1882년 壬午軍亂 以後 100년간을 韓國社會에 적응해 왔다. 東南亞 華僑에 비해 同質的인 種族 集團인 韓國 華僑는 94%가 山東省 출신으로 1980년 現在 韓國 華僑數는 3萬명 정도이다. 貿易, 飮食業을 中心으로 成長해 온 韓國의 華僑 社會는 韓國 政府 樹立 이후 貿易業이 政府 政策으로 인하여 위축되고 飮食業도 1950년대와 1960年代는 盛況을 보였으나 1970년대부터 크게 약화 되었다. 韓國 華僑의 80% 이상이 從事하는 中國 飮食業의 弱化는 곧 韓國 華僑 社會의 變化를 意味한다. 單一民族이라고 믿고있는 韓國民 속에서 華僑는 韓國 社會에 同化하지 않고 中國 理念이 강한 種族 集團으로 잔존하고 있다. 華僑들이 自身들의 種族 範圍를 固守하는 데는 中國 敎育과 華僑協會 組織의 役割이 크다. 中國 敎育을 통해 2世, 3世들은 中國人으로 成長시키며 또한 華僑 協會의 會員으로서 자신들이 韓國人과 다른 行政的 手續 節次를 통해 韓國 社會에 살고 있으므로 韓國人과 自身들을 다른 種族 集團으로 여기고 있다. 이러한 現象은 韓國 政府의 華僑 政策으로 더욱 강화되어 간다. 韓國 政府의 歸化, 經濟 政策은 差別的이어 華僑들이 韓國 社會에 同化하기 어렵게 만들고, 敎育 政策은 自由 放任策이어서 華僑들은 中國 敎育에 열중하게 만들고 잇다. 이와 같이 韓國 政府의 歸化, 經濟 및 敎育 政策은 非同化 政策으로 일관되어 진다. 敎育을 通해 中國 種族에 대한 愛着心으로 種族 正體성을 고수하고 있는 華僑들은 1970년대 이후 韓國 社會의 變化로 인해 中國人으로 生活하기 힘들게 되자 他國으로 移動하고 있다. 臺灣으로 移住해 간 韓國 華僑들 중에서 敎育을 받기 위해 移動한 사람들은 臺灣人과 섞일 機會가 많으나, 韓國에서 臺灣으로 와 곧 職業 戰線으로 나간 사람들은 대개 雜貨商, 山東式 빵, 만두집, 飮食店 等에 從事하여 바쁘게 사는 관계로 臺灣人과 섞일 기회가 적다. 後者는 臺灣 社會에 살면서 主로 韓國 出身 華僑들을 만나고 韓國 飮食을 즐겨 먹으며 가끔 韓國語까지도 쓰고 있어 마치 祖國속의 少數民과 같은 生活을 하고 있다. 韓國 華僑들은 臺灣 社會에 安定된 經濟 속에서 파고 들기 힘들자 韓國的 背景을 利用하여 보따리 商業을 통해 經濟的 利得을 꾀하게 되었다. 보따리 商業者는 韓國에 드나들면서 經濟的 利得을 取하는 동시에 남아 있는 華僑에게 臺灣文化를 소개함으로써 韓國 華僑 移動의 仲介人 役割을 하고 있다. 實證 硏究의 結果를 假說에 비추어 分析해 보면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 韓國政府의 對華僑 政策은 非同化 政策으로 歸化經濟面에서는 差別的이어서 華僑가 韓國 社會에 섞이기 어렵게 하고, 敎育面에서 穩健하여 華僑로 하여금 中國敎育에 專念할 수 있게 함으로써 韓國 社會에 同化될 수 없게 만들고 있다. 둘째, 韓國 華僑는 傳統的 文化 形態를 고수함으로써 種族 集團을 형성하는 것이 아니라 華僑協會의 會員으로 항상 協會와 유대를 갖게 되고, 敎育을 통해 中國 種族을 강조하게 되어 中國人의 正體性을 고수하였다. 이는 Barth가 主張한 文化 範圍가 바로 種族 範圍는 아니라는 理論과 일치하고 있다. 셋째, 韓國 社會의 급격한 經濟 成長으로 인한 社會·經濟的 變化에 의해 人力難, 都市計劃에 따른 被害, 需要 高級化에 따른 中國집 顧客의 점감으로 華僑들은 所得과 富의 減少를 경험하게 되었다. 華僑들은 韓國人의 所得 水準이 향상되어 가는 過程에서 오히려 沒落하여 他國으로 移動하게 되었다. 韓國 華僑들은 이동을 통해 種族의 正體性을 固守하는 길을 택한 셈이다.