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dc.contributor.advisor주낙원-
dc.contributor.author楊龍順-
dc.creator楊龍順-
dc.date.accessioned2016-08-26T03:08:38Z-
dc.date.available2016-08-26T03:08:38Z-
dc.date.issued1987-
dc.identifier.otherOAK-000000015372-
dc.identifier.urihttps://dspace.ewha.ac.kr/handle/2015.oak/196350-
dc.identifier.urihttp://dcollection.ewha.ac.kr/jsp/common/DcLoOrgPer.jsp?sItemId=000000015372-
dc.description.abstract오늘의 學生들은 장래의 국가 사회의 主役들이다. 그러므로 이들의 政治意識이 어떻게 형성되느냐하는 문제는 그들 개인뿐만 아니라 국가적, 사회적 측면에서도 매우 중요하다고 할 수 있다. 왜냐하면 한나라의 政治發展의 여부는 제도적 특성보다는 국민의 政治意識과 밀접한 관련을 맺고 있기 때문이다. 따라서 本 硏究의 目的은 意識 형성과정에 있는 中學生들의 政治意識에 관한 現 實態와 그 문제점을 파악함으로써 올바르고 건전한 시민 육성을 위한 政治敎育의 참고자료의 一端을 제공하고 나아가서는 바람직한 社會科敎育의 方向을 모색하려는데 있다. 本 硏究는 實證的인 調査方法을 채택했으며, 理論的인 背景은 本 硏究의 主題와 관계되는 先行 諸 文獻을 통하여 고찰하였으며, 現在 中學生들이 지니고있는 政治意識의 實態는 질문지를 통하여 調査硏究 하였다. 本 硏究 調査의 標集 對象은 서울 시내 4個 中學校와 경기도 2個 中學校에서 3학년 學生 총 943명을 대상으로 하였고 質問紙의 內容에 있어서는 우리나라에서는 아직 政治社會化에 대하여 표준화된 검사가 없으므로 美國의 政治社會化 調査에서 그의 信賴度와 妥當度가 I.S.R(Insitute for Social Research)에 의해 공인된 Likert 尺을 참작하여 民主的 政治定向 기초가 되는 市民義務感, 政治信賴感, 政治效態感, 政治參與感等 4가지 요소를 택하였고 또한 社會科敎育 內容 중 政治知識에 관한 문항은 한국교육개발원에서 펴낸 "중학교 사회 3 교사용지도서"를 기초로 하였다. 또한 本 硏究를 위하여 수집된 모든 자료는 獨立變數로서 地域別, 性別, 父의 職業別, 生活水準別로 분류하였고, 反應數에 의한 통계처리를 百分率, 平均値, 標準偏差, 相關係數等으로 산출하였다. 그리고 통계치에 대한 差異檢證으로 T檢證과 F檢證을 실시하였다. 그리하여 현재 韓國의 中學生들이 그들의 政治敎育을 통하여 형성되는 政治定向과 政治社會化의 환경등을 분석함으로써 社會科敎育을 통한 政治敎育의 방향 제시에 기초자료를 제공하고자 하였다. 本 調査 結果에서 나타난 中學生들의 政治意識의 實態와問題點을 요약해보면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 中學生들은 학년이 높아질수록 政治에 대한 관심이 서서히 높아지고 있고 社會科敎育의 영향이 크게 나타났다는것이다. 따라서 社會科敎育課程을 통하여 中學生들의 政治社會化를 보다 적극화시키고 올바른 政治定向을 형성시키기 위하여 社會科敎育課程에 대한 세밀한 분석과 그의 편성에 대한 硏究가 진행되어야 할 것이다. 둘째, 政治知識 水準이 높을수록 市民義務感과 政治參與感은높으나 政治信賴感이 낮게 나타났다. 政治信賴感은 學校에서의 社會科敎育을 통하여 형성되기도 하지만 社會的 要因이 보다 많이 작용할 수 있다. 그러므로 政治信賴感을 높이기 위하여서는 먼저 現實 社會에서 政治的인 不信要因을 제거하도록 노력해야겠고 學校 敎育에 있어서도 政治信賴感을 높이는 敎育內容 및 方法이 모색되어져야 할 것이다. 세째, 도시와 농촌의 학생들의 政治知識과 政治意識에 있어서는 농촌 학생들이 도시학생들보다 政治知識 및 市民義務感과 政治信賴感에 있어 보다 높게 나타났고 政治效能感은 낮게 나타났다. 政治知識면에서는 도시와 농촌간의 격차가 적어 평준화가 이루어지고 있다고 볼 수 있다. 따라서 도시 학생들이 市民義務感과 政治信賴感에 있어 왜 농촌학생들 보다 낮은가에 대한 원인을 명확히 분석하여 올바르고 건전한 政治意識을 형성하도록 노력을 기울여야함은 물론, 또한 농촌 학생들의 政冶效能感을 높일 수 있도록 지도 육성하여야 할 것이다. 네째, 남학생과 여학생의 政治意識에 있어서는 남학생이 여학생보다 政治信賴感과 政治效能感이 높게 나타났다. 그러므로 여학생은 남학생보다 政治意識에 있어 소극적이고 수동적인 면이 강하므로 앞으로는 여학생들의 政治信賴感이나 政治效能感이 남학생과 동등한 수준에 이르도록 敎育指導에 각별한 노력을 기울여야하겠다. 다섯째, 父의 職業別로 中學生들의 政治知識과 政治意識을 살펴보면 父가 農水産業에 종사하는 집안의 학생일수록 政治知識과 市民義務感이 가장 높고 또 父가 公務員에 종사하는 집안의 학생일수록 政治信賴感이 가장 높게 나타나고 있는 반면 父가 사회간접자본 및 기타서어비스업에 종사하는 학생들의 政治知識과 政治意識인 가장 낮게 나타나고 있는데 이에 대한 원인을 적절히 분석하고 問題點을 파악하여 이들의 政治知識과 政治意識을 높이도록 하여야 할 것이다. 여섯째, 生活水準別로 보면, 上의 水準에 속하는 학생일수록 政治知識이 가장 높은데 反해, 下의 水準의 학생이 가장 낮았으며, 市民義務感은 中의 水準에 속하는 학생이 가장 높고 上의 水準 학생이 가장낮았다. 일반적으로 上의 水準에 속하는 학생이 政治知識面에서는 높지만 市民義務感이나 政治參與感이 낮은데 대하여 앞으로 보다 심층분석이 있어야겠고 경제적요인이 政治意識에 미치는 영향에 관해 많은 硏究가 있어야 할 것으로 사려된다.;It is often said that schoolchildren today are enormous assets indispensable to national success, and in many ways that is unquestionably true. In fact, the possibility of political development in a country is more linked to the political consciousness of its people than to the constitutional system inherent in the country. Therefore, the establishment of adequate political consciousness is of such an importance not only to themselves but also to the country and society they belong to. The purpose of this research is then to examine the current state and problems of political consciousness of middle school students and to provide valuable reference information regarding successful political education that will be useful in producing many citizens with appropriate value orientations and professional integrity. It is further hoped thatmy study will serve as a guideline which will positively influence the curriculum of social studies. The theoretical background of this research is based upon a number of previous studies documented with similar topic and interest. For the purpose of obtaining my data regarding the current state of political consciousness of middle school students, a typical questionnaire was employed. With respect to the subjects involved, a total of nine hundred fourty three ninth graders were selected from four middle schools in Seoul and two middle schools in Kyeong Ki province. Since no standardized test of political socialization is available in Korea, I was forced to adopt "Likert scale" the reliability and validity of which are nationwidely accepted by Institute for Social Research in the United States. Among many items surveyed that attacted my interest invlude the sense of civil responsibility, political reliability, political efficiency, and political participation. It is generally believed that the above four elements constitute democratic political orientation. It should be noted that the content of my questionnaire were based on the teacher's manual of social studies Textbook for ninth graders published by Korean Educational Development Institute. It should also be noted that my data collected are independent variables and they are classified by region, sex, paternal occupation, and living standard. Additionally, statistical figures were computed in the form of percentage, mean, standard deviation, and correlation. T Test and F Test were both used to discover the presence of relevant statistical significance. As I implicitly mentioned above, my analysis of some variables of political orientation and political socialization of middle school students which are mainly acquired from classroom instruction is intended to positively affect the curriculum of social studies. The results gathered can aptly be summzrized as follows. First, as middle school students move into higher grade, my data indicate tha they expressed ascending level of concern on politics and that they were more influenced by what they have learned in social studies classes. Given this finding, every effort should be made to facilitate their political socialization and to establish an adequate political orientation. For this purpose, a close analysis of the curriculum requirements of social studies is required. Secondly, a close inspection of my data suggest that middle school students with high level of political knowledge were more likely to demonstrate a stronger sense of civil responsibility and political participation and to exhibit a weaker sense of political veliability. Although satisfactory notion of political reliability can be attained in social studies class, there is widespread belief that some social factors play a more significant role in promoting or jeopardizing political reliability. In order to increase political reliability, serious effort is needed to reduce any possible sources of political mistrust which is still prevalent in our society. In addition, every middle school is expected to explore educational programs along with teaching methods that may promote political reliability. Thirdly, regarding the differences between rural and urban students, my data reveal that rural students displayed a higher level of political knowledge, civil responsibility, and political reliability than the matched sample in the urban area, Predictably, it was found that rural students showed a weaker sense of political efficiency. It is interesting to note that a close survey of my data insinuate that there was little difference between rural and urban students with respect to political knowledge. Considering this finding, sincere effort should be made to investigate the reasons that caused the differences between rural and urban students regarding a sense of civil responsibility and political reliability. It is also hoped that every middle shoo1 is expected to make a serious effort to train many students with high level of political consciousness. Every middle school should also play a valuable role to enhance a sense of political efficiecny of its students. Fourthly, with regard to the political consciousness of middle school boys and girls, a careful survey of my data suggest that schoolboys showed a stronger sense of both political reliability and political efficiency. Unfortunately, it is obviously true that schoolgirls have a weaker sense of political consciousness and that they are passive and effective through eliciting the help and protection of others. Thus every middle school is expected to make a every effort to enhance the sens of political reliability and efficiency of schoolgirls. Fifthly, with respect to the political knowledge and consciousness of middle school students which are affected by their paternal occupation, my data indicate that schoolchildren of their fathers engaging in agriculture and fisheries showed the highest level of political knowledge and civil responsibility. It was also found that schoolchildren of their fathers engaging in civil service expressed the strongest sense of political reliability. Another finding that deserves particula attention is that schoolchildren of their fathers engaging either in service industries and social infrastructures exhibited the lowest level of political knowledge and consciousness. by concentrating on possible reasons and problems, every middle school is expected to promote the political knowledge and consciousness of those students. Sixthly, as for the living standard variable, my data suggest that schoolchildren in the upper class demonstrated the highest level of political knowledge while those in the lower class showed the lowest level. My data also indicate, on the whole, that schoolchildren in the middle class displayed the strongest sense of civil responsibility whereas those in the upper class revealed the weakest sense. In addition, schoolchildren in the Lower class showed the strongest sense of political participation while those in the upper class demonstrated the weakest sense. A careful survey of the results summarized so far insinuate tht schoolchildren in the upper class showed a high level of political knowledge. However, at the same time, they displayed a weaker sense of both political participation and civil responsibility. Clearly many more studies should be carried out to explor the effect of financial variables on political consciousness and to unravel any complexities.-
dc.description.tableofcontents목차 = ⅲ 論支槪要 = ⅵ Ⅰ. 序論 = 1 Ⅱ. 硏究方法 = 6 A. 調査方法과 節次 = 6 B. 假說의 設定 = 16 Ⅲ. 中學生의 政治社會化에 관한 理論的 背景 = 17 A. 政治社會化의 槪念 = 17 B. 政治社會化 硏究의 傾向 = 24 C. 中學生의 政治敎育 및 政治社會化 = 32 Ⅳ. 中學生의 政治社會化 比較分析 = 37 A. 社會科敎育과 政治關心度 (가설1의 檢證) = 37 B. 敎治知識과 政治意識 (가설 2의 檢證) = 44 C. 地域別(도시와 농촌)에 따른 政治知識 (가설 3의 檢證) = 46 D. 性別에 따른 政治知識과 政治意識의 차이 (가설 4의 檢證) = 48 E. 父의 職業에 따른 政治意識의 差異 (가설 5의 檢證) = 51 F. 生活水準에 따른 政治知識과 政治意識의 차이 (가설 6의 檢證) = 53 G. 綜合 比較分析 = 55 Ⅴ. 結論 = 59 參考文獻 = 62 질문지 = 66 ABSTRACT = 75-
dc.formatapplication/pdf-
dc.format.extent3086840 bytes-
dc.languagekor-
dc.publisher이화여자대학교 교육대학원-
dc.subject중학생-
dc.subject정치사회화-
dc.subject정치의식-
dc.subject사회교육-
dc.title中學生의 政治社會化에 관한 調査硏究-
dc.typeMaster's Thesis-
dc.title.subtitle社會科敎育을 中心으로-
dc.title.translated(A) Study on the Political Socialization of Middle School Students-
dc.format.page89 p.-
dc.identifier.thesisdegreeMaster-
dc.identifier.major교육대학원 사회과교육전공일반사회교육분야-
dc.date.awarded1987. 8-
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