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한국 대기업가 가족의 혼맥에 관한 연구

Title
한국 대기업가 가족의 혼맥에 관한 연구
Authors
공정자
Issue Date
1989
Department/Major
대학원 사회학과
Publisher
이화여자대학교 대학원
Degree
Doctor
Abstract
우리나라는 1960年代에 접어들면서 본격적으로 추진하기 시작한 經濟發展이 원동력이되어 근래에 政治的 社會的 측면에서 크나큰 變動을 겪어 오고 있다. 이들 變動은 여러 측면에서 다양한 시각으로 접근 되어질 수 있겠으나 本 論文에서는 財閥의 등장과 이들의 階級으로서의 고착화 가능성에 주목, 이같은 현상을 人的인 연계機制, 좀더 구체적으로는 財閥집안들의 婚脈을 통해 알아 보고자 했다. 따라서 本 論文은 上流層인 財閥에 관한 연구와 家族에 관한 연구 두부분에 걸쳐있다. 上流層집안의 婚姻에 관해서는 여러가지 설명틀이 있겠으나 本 論文의 경우는 結婚을 家門 또는 집안간의 交換機制로 보고 同盟論的 視角에서 접근해 보고자 했다. 이를 위해 우선 結婚에 관한 연구와 財閥에 관한 연구들을 정리 검토해 보았으며, 이를 바탕으로 우리나라 財界 實力者들의 모임인 全經聯회원 중 100代 財閥의 家族事項 婚姻關係에 관한 자료를 수집, 분석해 보았다. 資料수집방법은 조사대상 財閥가문의 族譜를 구해, 가족 구성원을 확인하고, 탐문과 문헌조사 방법을 통해 이들의 혼인관계를 알아 보는 방법을 택했다. 조사결과 財閥가문들의 婚姻유형은 1970年代 初에 주로 행해졌던 先行硏究들에서 시사되었던 바와 같이, 상류층간의 階級內婚이 주류를 이루고 있었다. 즉 財閥들은 財界를 포함해 政·官界등의 上流層 저명인사들과 査頓관계를 맺고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 硏究設計가 결혼과 관련해 財閥들의 意圖를 묻도록 되어 있지 않았기 때문에, 이 같은 현상이 의도된 것인지를 밝혀 낼 수는 없었으나, 결과적으로나마 同盟關係를 읽을 수 있을 것 같다. 財閥들은, 親族과 姻戚들을 요직에 앉힘으로서 傘下계열기업체들을 통제하고, 이들 親姻戚들과 기타 人脈을 통해 주요 環境機制들도 직접 간접적으로 통제하고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 財閥이 子孫들에게 經濟的 社會的 地位를 상속시키고, 婚姻을 통해 주요 勢力집안들과의 혈연적 연계관계를 계속 맺어 나가는 과정에서 上流層의 階級的 고착화 현상이 갖게 될 社會的 合意에 관해서도 논의를 시도해 보았다. 上流層집안의 婚姻관계를 설명함에 있어서 同盟論的 視角만으로는 부족한 부분이 있어, 또 다른 설명틀인 近接性原理, “만남의 機會構造”등에 관해서도 그 가능성을 논의해 보았다. 끝으로 本 硏究가 갖는 方法論的 制限点들을 들고, 앞으로의 硏究를 위해 다소나마 도움이 될 수 있을 것으로 생각되는 몇가지 方案들을 제시해 보았다. ; The present study attempted to describe patterns of marriage networks among big businessmen’s families in Korea from the perspective of marriage exchange and alliance. Literature review revealed that not many extensive studies were done in Korea about marriages among upper class families in general and big businessmen’s families in particular. One of strong implications from these few studies was that upper class families tend to form business and or political alliance through marriage exchanges among themselves. The scope of data for these earlier studies, however, was found to be very limited to make their findings anything more than tentative ones. To overcome this data related weakness of the earlier ones, major efforts were made in the present study to collect relevant data as extensively as possible. This seemed necessary to provide stronger support to whatever findings to be arrived at. The target group for the present study was the families of the 100 biggest business groups (to be referred to as Chaebol) belonging to the Federation of Korean Industries (Chunkyongryon:FKI) Regarding the data gathering process, first, the family trees of the target group were constructed on the basis of the genealogy books of the families concerned (for 64 families) and newspaper/magazine articles (for 36 families). Then, articles were closely checked and informants were contacted to find out what types of families the 100 biggest Chaebols married their sons and daughters to. Occupations and status of household heads were used to categorize types of in-law families. Major findings were as follows: First, regarding the Chaebols’ families as a background information: The old Chaebols’ with larger business operations were found to have bigger family in terms of the number of children and siblings. Some 74 percent of Chaebols’ sons of employable age were found to be working as executive directors or presidents for the business firms under their Chaebol fathers’ control, while 15 percent of them were known to be employed as high executives for their father-in-law’s firms. Some 33 percent of Chaebols’ sons-in-law were found to be working as executive directors for the firms under the control of their Chaebol fathers-in-law concerned, while some 17 percent of them were found to be working as high executives for the firms owned by their own fathers. Second, regarding the marriage networks of Chaebols’ families: Of 123 fathers-in-law for Chaebols’ sons whose occupational status could be determined, some 40 percent were found to be in business circles with the remaining 60 percent in non-business world. Of 74 father-in-law in non-business circles, 24 were found to belong to the category of high government officials, that is, those who either once served or were currently serving as very high officials in the administrative branch of the government. They broke into one incumbent president, one ex-president, three former prime minister and vice ministers. Eight others were those who were formerly of currently involved in the national politics as congressmen. In other words, about 30 percent of the 100 biggest Chaebols’ were found to have in-law connection through their sons’ marriages to those in political circles. Of 82 fathers-in-law for Chaebols’ daughters whose occupational status could be determined, some 40 percent were found to be in business circles, with the remaining 60 percent in non-business walks of life. Of 49 fathers-in-law in non-business circles, 12 were found to be those with career background in the administrative branch of the government as very high position holders, eight others belonged to the category of politicians who once served or currently were serving as congressmen. Of the remaining fathers-in-law for Chaebols’ daughters 9 were bankers, 7 were in academic circles, and 4 were medical doctors. The earlier studies contended that Chaebols’ tend to prefer their daughters-in law from the families of high government officials and influential politicians, whereas marrying their daughters to families of wealthy businessmen. The data of the present study appeared to provide some support, though not very strong, to the contention. The general picture emerging from the present study was that Chaebols’ in Korea were connected either directly or indirectly through marriage networks to families of influence in business or other areas of life. This kind of familial consolidation was suspected of exerting political, economic, and social impact of great magnitude in Korea. Some suggestions were made for further studies to explore more fully the nature of exchange and alliance involved in marriages of Chaebols’ families. It seemed desirable to expand the scope of study to include data from the extended families of Chaebols’ and the extended families of Chaebols’ in-laws. This approach, though admittingly difficult, would make a study much more sensible one because there can be cases where any particular father-in-law may not be a man of important position but his brother may be. The second recommendation was to incorporate time factor in analysis of Chaebols’ marriage networks. It seemed necessary to examine Chaebols’ marriage networks at the time of marriage in the then context in order to grasp fuller implication it can have from the alliance perspective.
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