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dc.contributor.author김부자-
dc.creator김부자-
dc.date.accessioned2016-08-26T02:08:43Z-
dc.date.available2016-08-26T02:08:43Z-
dc.date.issued1991-
dc.identifier.otherOAK-000000000721-
dc.identifier.urihttps://dspace.ewha.ac.kr/handle/2015.oak/192051-
dc.identifier.urihttp://dcollection.ewha.ac.kr/jsp/common/DcLoOrgPer.jsp?sItemId=000000000721-
dc.description.abstractThe purpose of this thesis is to unify the theories of binding and government, under the non-uniform bar-level hypothesis. Based on the well-founded distinction between lexical categories and functional categories, Fukui(1986) proposes the non0uniform bar-level hypothesis according to which functional categories project to a double-bar level, x", whereas lexical categories project to a single-bar level, x . He suggests the Saturation Principle, extending Higginbotham s(1985) notion of saturation. The Functional Projection Theorem which plays a crucial role in the non-uniform bar-level hypothesis is a direct consequence of the Saturation Principle. I suggest reformulating the notion of barrier by capitalizing on Higginbotham s(1985) notion of saturation. The SUBJECT approach to the binding theory has both empirical problems and conceptual problems. Thus I reject the presence of SUBJECT but the presence of a real binder that is relevant to the distribution of anaphors and pronouns. I propose the Revised Binding Theory in which the notion of government plays a crucial role, as a result of reformulating the notion of barrier. In the Revised Binding Theory, the notion of binding is defined as the antecedent government. For cases called long-distance binding, I propose a special rule for picture-noun contexts, based upon the fact that examples involving long-distance binding show properties of marked cases. As for PRO, I argue that it has the feature [+pronominal, -anaphor] and that its distribution depends on Case. Under the assumption that all traces--DP-traces and WH-traces--are anaphors, the effect of the ECP can be derived from the Revised Binding Theory. Consequently, the ECP is no longer needed. To satisfy the Revised Binding Theory, lexical anaphors and traces which necessarily require an antecedent must be bound, that is, governed by the antecedent. Consequently, the binding phenomena and the ECP phenomena can be explained uniformly. ; 본 논문의 목적은 비획일적인 bar-level 가설 하에서, 결속이론(binding theory)과 지배이론(government theory)을 통합하는데 있다. Fukui(1986)는 어휘범주(lexical category)와 기능범주(functional category)의 차이에 근거하여 비획일적인 bar-level 가설을 제안했다. 이 가설에 의하면, 기능범주는 double-bar level(X")까지 투사되는 반면, 어휘범주는 single-bar level(X )까지만 투사된다. Fukui는 Higginbotham(1985)의 침윤(saturation) 개념을 확대시켜서 침윤원칙(Saturation Principle)을 제안했다. 비획일적인 bar-level 가설 하에서 중요한 역할을 하는 기능투사 원리(Functional Projection Theorem)는 침윤원칙에서 나오는 결과이다. 본 논문에서는 Higginbotham의 침윤개념을 이용하여 장벽(barrier)의 개념을 재공식화한다. SUBJECT 개념을 이용한 결속이론은 개념적인 문제점들과 경험적인 문제점들을 갖는다. 따라서 SUBJECT 접근법을 버리고, 조응사(anaphor)와 대명사(pronoun)의 분포에 관계된 것은 SUBJECT의 존재가 아니고 진짜 결속사(binder)라는 견해를 채택한다. 장벽의 개념을 수정함으로써 지배(government) 개념이 결정적인 역할을 하는 수정결속이론(Revised Binding theory)을 제안하는데, 수정결속이론에서는 결속(binding)의 개념이 선행사 지배(antecedent-government)로 정의된다. 소위 말하는 장거리 결속(long-distance binding)의 경우에 대해서는, 장거리 결속을 수반하는 예들이 유표적인(marked) 경우들의 특성을 보여준다는 사실에 근거하여 picture-명사 구문에 적용되는 특별한 규칙을 제안한다. 그리고 PRO에 대해서는, [+pronominal, -anaphor] 자질을 갖는다는 것과 분포는 격(Case)에 의해 결정된다는 것을 논한다. 모든 흔적들(traces), 즉 DP-흔적들과 WH-흔적들은 조응사라는 가정을 하면, 공범주 원리(Empty Category Principle)의 효과를 수정결속이론에서 끌어낼 수 있고 따라서 공범주 원리는 필요치 않게 된다. 수정결속이론에 의하면 선행사를 반드시 요구하는 어휘적 조응사들과 흔적들은 반드시 선행사에 의해 지배되야 하고 따라서 결속 현상과 공범주(즉 지배) 현상은 일률적으로 설명될 수 있게 된다.-
dc.description.tableofcontentsABSTRACT ------------------------------------------------------------- iv CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION ---------------------------------------------- 1 1.1 The Issue ------------------------------------------------------- 1 1.2 Outline of the Thesis ------------------------------------------- 5 1.3 The Non-Uniform Bar-Level Hypothesis ---------------------------- 6 1.3.1 Lexical vs. Functional Categories ---------------------------- 6 1.3.2 The Structure of IP, DP and CP ------------------------------- 12 1.3.3 Deriving the Surface Order ----------------------------------- 13 1.3.4 The Notion of Maximal Projection ----------------------------- 14 CHAPTER 2. THE SATURATION THEORY ------------------------------------- 18 2.1 The Functional Projection Theorem As a Consequence of the Saturation Principle ---------------------------------------- 18 2.1.1 The Saturation Principle ------------------------------------- 18 2.1.2 The Effect of FTP -------------------------------------------- 19 2.1.3 Crucial Assumptions Relevant to the Application of FPT ------- 20 2.1.3.1 [+WH] COMP ------------------------------------------------ 21 2.1.3.2 Exceptional kase-Assignment ------------------------------- 25 2.1.4 Barriers Under the Non-Uniform Bar-Level Hypothesis ---------- 30 2.1.4.1 Effects --------------------------------------------------- 30 2.1.4.2 Problems -------------------------------------------------- 34 2.2 Higginbotham s (1985) Conception of Saturation ------------------ 37 2.3 Saturation Under the Non-Uniform Bar-Level Hypothesis ----------- 40 2.3.1 Argument ----------------------------------------------------- 41 2.3.2 θ-Marking --------------------------------------------------- 42 2.3.3 θ-Binding --------------------------------------------------- 45 2.4 Saturation and Barriers ----------------------------------------- 50 CHAPTER 3. THE REVISED BINDING THEORY -------------------------------- 57 3.1 The SUBJECT Approach -------------------------------------------- 57 3.1.1 Some Conceptual Problems ------------------------------------- 60 3.1.2 Some Empirical Problems -------------------------------------- 64 3.2 The Approach Against the Notion "SUBJECT" ----------------------- 68 3.2.1 Bouchard s (1984) Binding Theory ----------------------------- 68 3.2.2 Chomsky s (1986a) Binding Theory ----------------------------- 71 3.3 The Revised Binding Theory -------------------------------------- 74 3.3.1 Assumptions -------------------------------------------------- 74 3.3.1.1 The Level at Which the Binding Theory Applies ------------- 74 3.3.1.2 γ-Marking Mechanism -------------------------------------- 76 3.3.1.3 Basic Notions --------------------------------------------- 77 3.3.2 Core Anaphoric Structures ------------------------------------ 78 3.3.3 Effects of the Revised Binding Theory ------------------------ 83 3.3.3.1 Anaphors and Pronouns in Embedded Sentences --------------- 84 3.3.3.2 Anaphors and Pronouns in Nominal Expressions -------------- 91 3.3.3.3 Anaphors and Pronouns in Prepositional Phrases ------------103 3.4 Anaphors in Picture-Noun Constructions --------------------------112 3.5 R-Expressions and the Revised Binding Theory --------------------118 3.6 PRO and Case ----------------------------------------------------128 3.6.1 The Position of PRO ------------------------------------------128 3.6.2 PRO as a Pronominal ------------------------------------------129 3.6.3 The Distribution of PRO by Case ------------------------------135 3.6.3.1 Case Realization Condition --------------------------------135 3.6.3.2 Contrasting Constructions ---------------------------------137 CHAPTER 4. TRACES AND THEIR ANTECEDENTS ------------------------------149 4.1 The Theory of Indexing ------------------------------------------149 4.2 The Theory of Movement ------------------------------------------153 4.3 Trace As an Anaphor ---------------------------------------------160 4.4 WH-Movement in Syntax -------------------------------------------161 4.4.1 That-Tree Effect ---------------------------------------------161 4.4.1.1 Subject Extraction ----------------------------------------161 4.4.1.2 Object Extraction -----------------------------------------166 4.4.1.3 Adjunct Extraction ----------------------------------------169 4.4.2 WH-Movement out of DP (D ) -----------------------------------172 4.4.3 WH-Movement out of P ----------------------------------------181 4.5 WH-Movement in LF -----------------------------------------------186 4.5.1 Rule Ordering ------------------------------------------------186 4.5.2 Where, When vs. Why, How -------------------------------------191 4.6 DP-Movement -----------------------------------------------------197 4.6.1 Passive ------------------------------------------------------197 4.6.2 Raising ------------------------------------------------------201 4.6.3 DP-Movement in DP(D ) ----------------------------------------210 4.7 Island violations -----------------------------------------------214 CHAPTER 5. CONCLUSION ------------------------------------------------220 BIBLIOGRAPHY ---------------------------------------------------------222 ABSTRACT IN KOREAN ---------------------------------------------------232-
dc.formatapplication/pdf-
dc.format.extent7704812 bytes-
dc.languageeng-
dc.publisher이화여자대학교 대학원-
dc.titleA theory of binding : saturation and government-
dc.typeDoctoral Thesis-
dc.identifier.thesisdegreeDoctor-
dc.identifier.major대학원 영어영문학과-
dc.date.awarded1991. 2-
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