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Andrew Jackson 大統領과「第二美國銀行」再認可拒否
- Andrew Jackson 大統領과「第二美國銀行」再認可拒否
- Other Titles
- Andrew Jackson and the veto on the recharter of the second bank of the united states
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- 대학원 사학과
- 재인가신청; 미국은행; 앤드류잭슨
- 이화여자대학교 대학원
- 「第二美國銀行」의 再認可를 둘러싸고 일어난 美國의 銀行紛糾는 Andrew Jackson이라는 한 흥미있는 人物에 대한 硏究와 함께 美國史家들이 깊은 관심을 보여왔던 문제들 중의 하나이다. 그러나 그 硏究의 大部分은 「第二美國銀行」의 崩壞過程, 銀行紛糾를 야기시킨 階層的, 地域的 利害對立과 政治的 권력다툼, 그리고 美國의 中央銀行制度와 관련하여 「第二美國銀行」의 崩壞가 가지고 온 경제적 영향에 그 초점을 두고 있어 銀行紛糾가 가지고 온 長期的 影響, 특히 정치적 현상으로서 大統領과 美國民, 그리고 立法府와의 關係를 再定義하여 大統領職에 대한 새로운 槪念을 가져왔다는 側面의 評價는 비교적 소홀히 다루어져 왔다.
本稿는 이러한 점에 착안하여 Madison 政府가 「第二美國銀行」을 設立한 1816年부터 Jackson이 再認可를 拒否한 1832年까지를 주요 서술범위로 하여 Jackson과 同 銀行間의 銀行紛糾를 考察하면서 Jackson의 再認可拒否가 美國의 政治發展에 끼친 영향을 大統領權限의 擴大라는 側面에서 그 意義를 강구해 보고자 한다.
「第二美國銀行」이 設立된 主要 原因은 1812年美·英戰爭에 있었다. 전쟁발발 이후 최악에 빠진 美國의 재정적, 경제적 混亂을 정비하고 聯邦政府의 財政業務를 효율적으로 뒷받침할 수 있는 「第二美國銀行」의 設立은 Madison政府의 당면과제였기 때문에 1811年 最初의 「美國銀行」이 폐지될 때 문제가 된 合憲性與否는 그다지 문제가 되지 않았다. 그리하여 1816年 認可를 받아 1817년 1月 정상업무를 시작한 「第二美國銀行」은 Nicholas Biddle下에서 명실공히 美國 第一의 金融機關으로서의 위치를 굳건히 다졌다.
1797年의 Allison事件을 통해 銀行과 紙幣에 대한 不信感을 지니게 되었던 Jackson은 全國의 信用貸付와 貨幣流通을 支配하는 「第二美國銀行」을 좋아하지 않았다. 특히 同 銀行이 聯邦政府의 認可를 받았기 때문에 州의 權限 밖에 있다는 점을 못 마땅해 왔다. 이러한 그의 銀行에 대한 감정이 공개적인 적대심으로 나타난 原因은 政治的이었다. 「美國銀行」이 國民共和黨의 次期 大統領候補인 Henry Clay의 支持를 받아 特許가 만기되기 4年前인 1832年 大統領選擧의 해에 再認可를 申請한 것은 大統領인 Jackson의 위치에 대한 「美國銀行」의 挑戰이었다. 그리하여 Jackson은 막대한 金力을 배경으로 議會의 立法機能과 選擧에까지 영향을 미치며 政府를 任意로 조종하고자 하는 「美國銀行」과의 대결을 결정하고 1832年 7月 10日 議會가 通過시킨 '「美國銀行」再認可法案"의 批准을 拒否하였다.
Jackson은 拒否敎書에서 「美國銀行」이 非民主的이고, 非美國的이기 때문에 違憲이며, 地域間의 시기심을 조장하고, 州權을 침해하는 한편, 政治에 나쁜 영향을 미치고자 하기 때문에 美國民大多數의 利益을 위해 同 銀行의 再認可를 不許한다고 하였다. 그리고 「美國銀行」의 合憲性與否는 行政府의 首班으로서 國民에 의해 직접 選出된 大統領이 그 스스로의 판단에 의해 결정할 권리가 있음을 주장 하였다. 그것은 두 차례에 걸쳐 '「美國銀行」은 合憲的이다'라고 判決한 大法院에 대한 挑戰인 동시에 '「美國銀行」再認可法案'을 通過시킨 議會에 대한 挑戰이었다.
Jackson이 「美國銀行」의 再認可를 拒否하여 選擧의 爭点으로 내 놓은 가장 큰 理由는 大統領職을 國民의 支持를 基盤으로 强化시키고자 한데 있다. 國民大衆의 支持가 「美國銀行」問題 자체에 대한 것이든, 혹은 Jackson 個人의 人氣때문이든 그것은 중요하지 않았다. 國民大多數의 支持로 大統領에 再選되었다는 사실이 중요하였다. 왜냐하면 大衆의 支持를 일단 획득하여 再選된다면, 그는 앞으로 부딪치게 될 議會와의 對立에서 國民의 支持를 背景으로 강력한 힘을 행사할 수 있을 뿐 아니라 政策의 執行에서 보다 많은 支配力을 행사할 수 있기 때문이다.
그리하여 Jackson은 「第二美國銀行」의 再認可拒否를 통해 大統領과 議會, 美國民間의 關係를 再定義하여 行政府의 優位와 그 獨立을 주장하였다. 大統領은 國民을 代表하는 國民의 首班으로서 政策의 執行者인 동시에 政策의 決定者임을 내세운 Jackson의 大統領職에 대한 再解釋은 美國 歷史上 일찍이 그 유례가 없는 새로운 국면을 타개한 것이 되리라고 본다.;My purpose, in this thesis, is to examine the conflict between Jackson and the Second Bank of the United States on the recharter of the Bank from 1816 to 1832. And it is to estimate the significance of Jackson's Veto from the aspect of the expansion of presidential power in American political developments.
In 1811, President Madison and Congress had refused to renew of the charter of the first Bank of the United States, established on Alexander Hamilton's recommendation in 1791. But in 1816, a new and larger institution with similar functions to the first had been chartered by the Madison administration. The chief reason of its re-establishrnent was the American-English War of 1812. As the means of bringing some order out of financial and economic chaos after the outbreak of the War and of assisting the government in financing the War, the establishment of a new national bank was an urgent problem of the government and Congress. So, then, the question of its constitutionality, which had been a prominent issue in 1811, had caused little trouble in the passage of Bill to establish the Second Bank of the United States.
Although earlier proponents had supported the bill mainly because the Bank would assist financially the government during the War, the chief objects looked after by the Bank supporters in 1816, 2 years after the Treaty of Ghent, were to force the state banks to resume specie payments which had been suspended since the fall of 1814 and to establish a satisfactory national currency. The 2nd Bank, opened for business on January 7, 1817, was successful in securing by the state banks resumption of specie payments. But the great object of establishing a sound currency was failed because of loose policies of the 1st president, William Jones, and because of conservative tight-money policies of Langdon Cheves, the 2nd presideht. When Nicholas Biddle was inaugurated as the 3rd president, the Bank soon began to assume its position as an efficient fiscal agent for the federal government and to expand its operations. By 1828, when Jackson was elected to the Presidency, the Bank had reached at last the first palce, where the Bank was strong enough to perform the dominant role among all banks in the Country.
Opposition to the Bank came from a curious combination of interests. One of them was generally hostile to all banks and to the paper system. It included many farme rs and workingmen who preferred to be paid in specie. One of the other hand, there were debtor and entrepreneural elements that resented the Bank's regulatory activities. They wanted freer banking system. In spite of these differences however, all such groups could agree that Bank was monopolizing financial giant through its charter granted by the government.
Jackson's personal attitude toward banks and the paper money system was formulated by his financial losses during the Allison affair in the late 1790s, and he did not like the staggering power available to the Bank through its control of credit and currency of the country. Especially his hostility to the Bank was intimately connected with his states' rights view and this caused him to doubt the constitutionality of the Bank.
The one factor that converted his personal hositility against the Bank into open hostility was political. The application for a recharter was subrrdtted in 1932, 4 years before the expiration of the existing charter of the Bank and the year of presidential election. This was done under the influence of Henry Clay, the presidential candidate of the National Republican party, and other National Republican politicians. Jackson interpreted this incident as a challenge of the Bank to his position as the President. So he accepted this challenge and decided to fi ght back tre Bank. And he vetoed on the Bill for recharter.
In Veto Message, he claimed the Bank unconstitutional because it was un-democratic and un-American, and he disapproved its recharter for the good of a large majority of the people in the country. Furthermore, he declared that the President, the Chief Executive elected by the people, 'have the right to decide upon the constitutionality of any bill which may be presented to him for approval regardless of the opinions of Congress and the Supreme Court'.
The most important reason why he put his re-election into jeopardy by vetoing the recharter bill was his own wish to buttress presidential power with mass support. The question whether in 1832 nation's support was given because of the Bank issue itself or because of his enormous personal popularity was quite irrelevant. The fact that he was re-elected by a majority of the popular votes was important. Once he had obtained mass approval he could then confront Congress with vastly strengthened institutional prerogatives and force greater control over the direction of public affairs. Therefore, through his exercise of the veto power on recharter of the 2nd Bank of the United States Jackson redefined the presidency both in its relationship to Congress and the people, and claimed its primacy and its independence in government. In augmenting presidential power as the Head of State, the national leader, and the formulator of national issues, he opened a new phase.
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