DŴ Ʉ8t| t. 0| 0 1X l xŴ %X D lXՔ 8(UG)X \@ i\ ` . Ross(1967) 0 1 t L \ YՐ\ t Ȕ ܭY(pronoun deletion rule) Xt М X. t Taraldsen(1981), Engdahl(1983), Chomsky(1982) X YՐ@ tǃ@ 01 | ȥX, tٳ 4X X. 췘 \ 0 1@ ,(Island Effect)| x. йt tǃ@ tٳ (䲔 t. Chomsky(1986b)@ Browning(1987)@ 0 1t Ʃƌ(null operator)tٳ Xt , A'-\ 01t t D $X. |8 0 18 ƩƌX tٳD \ tٳ )D 0t. ҈ t` i )D \ t`<\ . t )@ XX i A'- S-lp Xx ptD ̹q` L, t H 0 1@ X 8x A'- լ Xt t X. tǃ@ i1 ) DP` L, O-Xx pt @ ļ\ pt Xth t 0 18D $` , \ 0 18X 81D ବX Xx Ĭ\ $` <\ T Xՠ. |8X a! b! Dtٳ ) tٳ )D X, t`D 8 ȩ tX 1 8D |X.;This thesis attempts to show how the PG constructions are licenced within the system of the Universal Grammar (UG). Parasitic gaps (PGs) in parasitic gap constructions are empty categories which appear in reliance or real gaps (RGs). They vary depending on individual languages. What's interesting about PG constructions is that they coherently skew so-called a mild marginality in its grammatical status. Chomsky has claimed that the existence of empty eategories is a good evidence to show the transcendental language competence of human beings since language learners acquire empty categories very systematically and use it as such. That is, to study empty category is to pursue the essence of language comptence. On this assumption, the study on PGs exactly coincides with the ultimate goal of UG to find out the essence of language competence. To investigate the nature of PGs, I examine a number of previous analyses and strive to evaluate them through application of those analyses into sentences. Ross (1967, the first scholar who referred to PGs, assumed that PGs come out from the rule of Pronoun Deletion. After him, however, many other scholars such as Taraldsen (1981), Engdahl (1983) and Chomsky (1982) claimed that PGs are base-generated empty categories. On the contrary, Chomsky (1986b) and Browning (1987) suggested that parasitic gap constructions are related to the movement of null operator. This suggestion is borne out by the fact that parasitic gap constructions show the island effect which is closely related to movement. A systematic or general principle on PGs has not established yet. However, it might be possible to explain parasitic gap constructions under the general principles of HG. Close investigation on the previous analyses will be helpful to explain PG constructions. In this thesis, I study two approaches in the analysis of parasitic gap constructions-one claimes that there is no movement and the other claims that there is a null operator movement. In non-movement approach, I examine Chomsky's functional analysis and Kayne's Connectedness Condition. In movement approach, on the other hand, I discuss the an<Valysis which explaines PGs by applying Licensing Condition to the chain which is formed by the movement of null operator of the PGs. Among several analyses in the above mentioned approaches, Browning (1987)'s analysis is revealed to be the most promising one. Browning analyzed PG constructions as the one which forms complex chains which are to be conditioned by Subjacency. Her analysis, so far seems to be on the right track since she has explained PC constructions by adopting Subjacency which is one of the principles of the UG. Although her analysis does have many problems to be resolved, I believe that her approach propounds a revealing way to elucidate PG constructions.~http://dspace.ewha.ac.kr/handle/2015.oak/207693; http://dcollection.ewha.ac.kr/jsp/common/DcLoOrgPer.jsp?sItemId=000000016246;"@Ce|(!CPrs BKm~ AJlm:#E:\Subk\)[ A,Y/ dMbP?_*+%" ,,??U ! " # l>@ !"#$%&'Root EntryWorkbook0SummaryInformation(DocumentSummaryInformation8